REFLEXIONS ON A FORGOTTEN GENOCIDE
Burundi Information (December 7th, 2012). Our issue today features an article translated by the Canadian Center for International Justice, Toronto Work Group (TWG) on the occasion of the special lecture that was organized by the Royal Museum of Ontario on the theme "Contemporary Reflections on a Forgotten Genocide." Although the session was centered on Cambodia, guest speakers included a Burundian, Emmanuel Nkurunziza, whose presentation drew parallels between this case and the unpunished genocide that was perpetrated against the Tutsi of Burundi. Below is a summary of his presentation. Enjoy the reading (BINFO)
On November 26th, 2012, the Institute for Contemporary Culture at Royal Ontario Museum organized a session on the Cambodian Genocide. I was honored to take part in the event which was so accurately named "Contemporary Reflections on a Forgotten Genocide".
It started with a tour of the photos showing one of the most symbolic vestiges of Cambodian Genocide under the Khmer Rouge, namely, Security Center number 21 known as S-21. This was a secondary school before it was transformed into a prison by the Pol Pot regime. The photos on display summarized the whole killing process at S-21, from admission through execution (or survival for the few lucky ones who came out alive). After touring the photo exhibition, the attendants were assigned to different groups that had been set in advance and which had a special guest each. As a representative of CCIJ Toronto Working Group at the event, I was a special guest myself. Members of my group were from very diverse socio-professional backgrounds, but both had in common the value of justice for genocide victims.
I had chosen to speak about the forgotten genocide in Burundi on that evening. Using a sample of 5 photos representing the major hallmarks, the stages and the emblematic practices of the 1993 Tutsi genocide in Burundi, I set a comparison with the one that was perpetrated by Khmer Rouge in Cambodia between 1975 and 1979. My talk followed three venues, both pertaining to the periods before, during, and after the atrocities.
Firstly, with regard to the selection of victims, while the Khmer Rouge were targeting the educated, in Burundi, the militias belonging to FRODEBU (and later to today’s ruling organization CNDD-FDD) targeted ethnic Tutsi, although a number of Hutus were killed alongside. Also, just as a few foreign nationals fell victim to the Khmer Rouge at S-21, Rwandan Tutsi who were living Burundi during the genocide were hunted down and killed.
Secondly, I pointed out why it is important to always pay attention to the use of language in the genocide discourse. Indeed, the language code plays a major role at all stages of genocide, especially in the preparation and in the denial. In this regard, I pointed out that even in that evening’s presentation at ROM, our guide was referring to S-21 as “Security Center”, that it is only towards the end of his presentation that he used the word “prison” instead. Yet, without deep knowledge of Khmer Rouge Cambodia, the expression “security center” would raise no issues. I hypothesized that this may have been the result of a malicious campaign aimed at concealing or mitigating Khmer Rouge atrocities and which may have been initiated during or right after the Khmer Rouge reign.
In the case of Burundi, I showed examples of two slogans by the political party that committed genocide in 1993 and which would be translated as “Warm up” and “Ear-level”. These apparently benign rallying calls were found to be codes for two emblematic practices during the Tutsi genocide both in Rwanda and in Burundi: “burning someone alive” and “cutting the right hand-side temple with a machete”.
I did remind the audience that it is the duty of the well-intentioned, knowledgeable activists to make sure that such expressions are deconstructed.
Thirdly, I talked about the solution that the UN has put forward to address genocide in Cambodia and in Burundi: a Special Chamber within the national judiciary. I emphasized the atypical situation of Burundi where the perpetrators are in power and therefore play a preponderant role in the implementation of the suggested solution. Contrary to Cambodia, in Burundi, genocide victims were never represented whether in the negotiations that led to the so called “provisional amnesty” of the perpetrators, or in the talks between the government and the UN and which decided the creation of a special chamber within the Burundi judiciary instead of an International Tribunal. I also revisited the aberrant case of Burundi’s incumbent President who has the power to appoint some of the Special Chamber judges, whereas he is himself a convict for genocide-related crimes.
Finally, I showed some of the odd, yet predictable, consequences of Burundi genocide impunity: since 2009, Rwanda has submitted to the Burundian government a list of 670 Burundians who are wanted for their participation in the Rwandan genocide. More than three years have gone by but there has been no single arrest in this regard. I concluded suggesting that if this culture of genocide impunity is withheld, it could affect more than one country, given that the sub-region is characterized by criminal organizations operating across borders.
Emmanuel Nkurunziza
On November 26th, 2012, the Institute for Contemporary Culture at Royal Ontario Museum organized a session on the Cambodian Genocide. I was honored to take part in the event which was so accurately named "Contemporary Reflections on a Forgotten Genocide".
It started with a tour of the photos showing one of the most symbolic vestiges of Cambodian Genocide under the Khmer Rouge, namely, Security Center number 21 known as S-21. This was a secondary school before it was transformed into a prison by the Pol Pot regime. The photos on display summarized the whole killing process at S-21, from admission through execution (or survival for the few lucky ones who came out alive). After touring the photo exhibition, the attendants were assigned to different groups that had been set in advance and which had a special guest each. As a representative of CCIJ Toronto Working Group at the event, I was a special guest myself. Members of my group were from very diverse socio-professional backgrounds, but both had in common the value of justice for genocide victims.
I had chosen to speak about the forgotten genocide in Burundi on that evening. Using a sample of 5 photos representing the major hallmarks, the stages and the emblematic practices of the 1993 Tutsi genocide in Burundi, I set a comparison with the one that was perpetrated by Khmer Rouge in Cambodia between 1975 and 1979. My talk followed three venues, both pertaining to the periods before, during, and after the atrocities.
Firstly, with regard to the selection of victims, while the Khmer Rouge were targeting the educated, in Burundi, the militias belonging to FRODEBU (and later to today’s ruling organization CNDD-FDD) targeted ethnic Tutsi, although a number of Hutus were killed alongside. Also, just as a few foreign nationals fell victim to the Khmer Rouge at S-21, Rwandan Tutsi who were living Burundi during the genocide were hunted down and killed.
Secondly, I pointed out why it is important to always pay attention to the use of language in the genocide discourse. Indeed, the language code plays a major role at all stages of genocide, especially in the preparation and in the denial. In this regard, I pointed out that even in that evening’s presentation at ROM, our guide was referring to S-21 as “Security Center”, that it is only towards the end of his presentation that he used the word “prison” instead. Yet, without deep knowledge of Khmer Rouge Cambodia, the expression “security center” would raise no issues. I hypothesized that this may have been the result of a malicious campaign aimed at concealing or mitigating Khmer Rouge atrocities and which may have been initiated during or right after the Khmer Rouge reign.
In the case of Burundi, I showed examples of two slogans by the political party that committed genocide in 1993 and which would be translated as “Warm up” and “Ear-level”. These apparently benign rallying calls were found to be codes for two emblematic practices during the Tutsi genocide both in Rwanda and in Burundi: “burning someone alive” and “cutting the right hand-side temple with a machete”.
I did remind the audience that it is the duty of the well-intentioned, knowledgeable activists to make sure that such expressions are deconstructed.
Thirdly, I talked about the solution that the UN has put forward to address genocide in Cambodia and in Burundi: a Special Chamber within the national judiciary. I emphasized the atypical situation of Burundi where the perpetrators are in power and therefore play a preponderant role in the implementation of the suggested solution. Contrary to Cambodia, in Burundi, genocide victims were never represented whether in the negotiations that led to the so called “provisional amnesty” of the perpetrators, or in the talks between the government and the UN and which decided the creation of a special chamber within the Burundi judiciary instead of an International Tribunal. I also revisited the aberrant case of Burundi’s incumbent President who has the power to appoint some of the Special Chamber judges, whereas he is himself a convict for genocide-related crimes.
Finally, I showed some of the odd, yet predictable, consequences of Burundi genocide impunity: since 2009, Rwanda has submitted to the Burundian government a list of 670 Burundians who are wanted for their participation in the Rwandan genocide. More than three years have gone by but there has been no single arrest in this regard. I concluded suggesting that if this culture of genocide impunity is withheld, it could affect more than one country, given that the sub-region is characterized by criminal organizations operating across borders.
Emmanuel Nkurunziza